2013年11月4日星期一

网民你好大

网路发挥更大社群力量一切从Facebook、Twitter及Plurk等崛起,更说明网路与人更为贴近,成为人们日常生活不可缺的“亲密好友”。

网路迅速发展席卷全球,人民都成了网民。在台湾网民都被称为“乡民”,其本义是指住在乡下的人,也指未读过书的市井小民之意,平常无所事事,一见有事就凑过去看热闹。
从此,在网路世界的网民自然而然的成了网路“乡民”,他们就是具有“爱凑热闹、跟着群众起哄”的意味。

早期“乡民”一词在网路上源起于台湾大学的的PTT中“网友”之俗称。“乡民”一词带有贬意,指称一些不懂得判断事情是非只跟着群众起哄的网友。

上网容易沉醉面书

网路的世界可以天马行空、一派胡言,因为在网路乡民都偏向集体“起哄”、“大骂”、“仇视”甚至到“自我满足”完了,就会结束一个话题。

其实,乡民们不是没有他们的看法、只是看法往往忽略了真实性、立足点,加上沸腾的情绪,一发不可收拾而最终就是为了人说我也说,凑凑热闹,情感上爽了就好。
大马人上网的时间,一点也不比台湾或者其他国家逊色,据调查显示,大马有1千300万人拥有面子书帐号,平均每天花9小时在浏览面子书。

就如电子保安机构(Cyber Security Malaysia)高级执行员(研究及发展)亚伦莫达曾说,87.9%的乡民热衷浏览面子书,相信是因为智能手机提供容易上网的便利,以致他们沉醉。

关注扭曲真相动机

大马的乡民最积极的是针对政府的课题而发言,最火热的时期是大选期间,其实一直都很佩服政客们对于网路世界的引导及扮演的角色,若说人民会成为乡民一般离不开的与政治牵连及影响。

举例而言,大选最热门的“熄灯门”黑掉了,在还没证实事实的真相前,乡民便会一窝蜂的,蜂拥而至的在帖上“秒传”,形成了一股吊诡的“社群主义”,可是往往缺乏其正当性及理性。

同时,乡民永远相信“网路说”胜于相信自己看到的,这也就是一个被催化的意识形态,使得短暂性无法去确定真伪,只是为了凑凑热闹,寻找情感上的抒发;或者很多时候大家都传、都分享,因此不能落人后,一定要大力分享。

至于乡民的审判及理性都建立在于情绪的使然上,把“言论自由”、“话语权”大大的道理来合理化乡民的言论行为。渐渐的,乡民的力量被强化下,变成对社会带来隐形的影响。

若是正面来说,可以发掘或者踢爆许多事件;但从负面来看,炒作、不实充斥着现实社会。值得关注的是,乡民的扭曲事实的真相背后动机又是何在?

网民被网站牵着走

不过,乡民也分好几种,层次的差异发表的言论也不同,对事件的看法也不同,笔者曾经遇到一个乡民,狂妄的发表“乡论”外,主要是把对方或者不认同他说法的人“骂倒”、“骂怕”,最后的“骂赢”就是这个乡民的终极目标,乡民还特意洋洋的说:“我就是没水准,我就是要把你骂倒。”从乡民的话语中,淡化了沟通的理性,甚至可以用“失常”来形容。
乡民的厉害在于会一直不断的坚持己见、“拗到底”,用犀利、尖酸刻薄、谩骂、粗俗的字眼来反击回应者或者对课题作出批判。

乡民的力量真的不可忽视,就大马的情况,主导了传播的主力,许多时候新闻线索都是来自社群网站,从前主导权都落在主流的媒体身上,如今,阅听人都被社群网站牵着鼻子走,而乡民都扮演起“审议民主”的司令,未来是否会走向“乡民我好大,你好怕”的格局中呢?
备注:何谓PTT?如今在台湾最为风行的是Ptt。这名称来自创站者杜奕瑾本人帐号的名称。

后来Ptt作为站名,可以进一步衍伸的意义则包括“P”是“批判”,“T”是“踢爆”,代表ptt具有批评怀疑社会既有观念的精神。另一种衍伸的意义是“Professional Techonolgy Temple”(因此并非一开始就是这三个字的缩写)。

2013年8月1日星期四

回青团不再搞抗议议雪足赛艺人表演掀高潮

(雪兰莪莪沙亚南)周日(6日)晚上的雪兰莪苏丹杯赛开场表演邀请女艺人表演,掀起高潮。这项演出之前曾引起雪兰莪回教党青年团的抗议,不过周日晚上回青团团员没有出现。

  这场球赛是由雪兰莪队对垒新加坡队,而受邀在赛前表演的2名艺人是摇磙女歌手艾拉(Ella)和dangdut(注重鼓声的马来流行音乐)歌手玛士依达尤(Mas Idayu)。

  雪兰莪挑选队和新加坡联赛挑选队在正赛以22踢和,在互踢点球时,雪兰莪挑选队以43胜出。

  抗议行动曾触怒雪苏丹

  回青团的抗议行动,曾经触怒雪兰莪州苏丹沙拉弗丁。

  雪州苏丹对回青团的举动大发雷霆,并且扬言,回青团若继续抗议行动,未来不排除会取消在大马举行这项比赛。

  他形容回青团抗议艾拉和玛士依达尤是虚偽琐碎事

  回教党应该把重点放在更重要的议题上。如果回青团的行动令情况变得更困难,我们可能会把这项常年盛事改在新加坡举行,我深信新加坡会很乐意作东道主。

  雪州回青团是在616日提交了一份备忘录到雪州州务大臣的办公室,以抗议艾拉和玛士于周日晚的比赛当天演出。

  雪州回青团团长沙烈汉指出,雪州回青团认为有关歌手的表演是不恰当的,因为当晚将有很多青少年出席。

  雪州回青团甚至恫言,若艾拉和玛士被允许进行表演,他们将在举行球赛的沙亚南体育场展开示威活动。星洲日报2008.07.07


2013年5月7日星期二

律师公会:州议会无权修改 ‧吉打宗教司法令违宪

(吉隆坡7日讯)律师公会主席林志伟认为,吉打州议会日前通过修改2008年宗教司和法规(吉打)法令,已违反联邦宪法和权力分立的精神。


他今日发表文告指出,有关修法已违反联邦宪法,並旨在否决法庭的司法管辖权。

他说,联邦宪法121条款並没有授权给任何州议会,制定任何否决法庭的司法管辖权的州法令。

吉打州议会在4月17日通过修改2008年宗教司和法规法令,增加了22A条文,当中阐明任何宗教司(Mufti)或法规委员会(FatwaCouncil)决定的伊斯兰法规,无论是否颁佈宪报,都不容许被挑战、被上诉、被检討、被否定或被质疑,也不经由任何民事法庭和伊斯兰法庭审讯。

林志伟指出,上述修法也违反民主社会权力分立的精神,即三权分立,分別由行政(政府)、立法和司法,扮演各自的角色。

“三权分立是要建立一个制衡的制度,防止任何一方有任何滥权行为,但隨著修法后,吉打法规委员会拥有绝对的权力。”

律师公会提醒吉打州议员谨记他们在宣誓就职时的誓言,即维护联邦宪法做为大马的最高法律。
“此修法不应成为州法令,因为它和誓言相抵触。”

http://news.sinchew.com.my/node/249952

2013年3月13日星期三

苏禄族作家:领导恐怖分子侵沙‧基兰家族没苏禄王朝血缘

吉隆坡12日讯)一名沙巴苏禄族 作家 阿斯里 今日揭露,目前领导恐怖分子攻击沙巴州的基兰家族,其实与苏禄王朝没有血缘关係。

他指出,与苏禄王朝拥有血缘关係的后裔是目前在苏禄群岛进行和平斗爭的苏禄王朝第二家族马哈拉惹苏丹莫哈末阿拉南普佑孙子 苏丹班迪兰慕易祖丁二世,而非领导苏禄恐怖分子的基兰家族。
他建议,大马政府唯有承认1878年签署的“Pajak"协议的合法继承人是 苏丹班迪兰慕易祖丁二世,才能一劳永逸地解决目前在沙巴的主权爭议。

隨从受到查玛鲁欺骗

他解释,目前攻击沙巴州的隨从是遭到查玛鲁基兰三世欺骗,后者初期以申討沙巴州主权为理由,但是后来却是藉苏禄族人的死亡,在苏禄群岛激起仇恨情绪,煽动其他苏禄人继续支持他。

他表示,苏丹班迪兰慕易祖丁二世是如今在 苏禄群岛和乐(Jolo) (即过去苏禄苏丹王朝首府)进行和平斗爭的领袖,而他的立场是反对目前攻击沙巴州的恐怖主义活动。

阿里斯今日在 班迪兰 的 下属 查卡利亚阿都拉,在穆斯林青年运动(ABIM)协助下主持的座谈会上这么表示;他也是在沙巴州山打根出生的苏禄族人。

他解释,班迪兰 的 祖父 是 马哈拉惹苏丹莫哈末阿拉南普佑,而后者是苏禄苏丹国最后二任拥有主权的苏禄苏丹 莫哈末查马鲁阿南 的 王叔。

他说,苏丹莫哈末查马鲁阿南得以在1862年继承王位,主要其 马哈拉惹苏丹莫哈末阿拉南普佑 在上位一週后自愿放弃王位,把政权移交给他,而 查马鲁阿南 也是1978年与英国贸易公司签署沙巴州“Pajak"协议的苏丹。

苏丹慕哈末没有子嗣

他指出,於1936年逝世的苏禄王朝最后一位拥有主权的 苏丹慕哈末查马鲁基兰二世(查马鲁阿南儿子)並没有子嗣,而如今的苏禄军领袖查玛鲁基兰三世及其胞弟依斯迈基兰二世,其实与苏禄苏丹王朝王室並没有血缘关係。

他解释,苏丹慕哈末查马鲁基兰二世 的 胞弟 苏丹马瓦利华希二世,其实只是 查玛鲁基兰三世依斯迈基兰二世继祖父

“因为,他们 的 父亲 普宗安基兰 是 他们 的 祖母 莫拉娜普莎拉加 与 第一任丈夫 阿米尔韩沙 生下的儿子。"他表示,苏丹班迪兰慕易祖丁二世 坚持本身的国籍是“苏禄苏丹国",拒绝接受菲律宾国籍及使用菲律宾护照,反之,查马鲁基兰二 世则是菲律宾人。

http://news.sinchew.com.my/node/282450?tid=1

被指非苏禄苏丹合法继承人‧查玛鲁身份引爭议

(吉隆坡8日讯)“苏禄王朝"真正苏丹为何人引起爭议,现今指示“苏禄军"入侵沙巴领土的查玛鲁基兰三世的“苏禄苏丹"身份孰真孰假也引发不同说法,而根据 菲律宾新闻网引述当地学者与专家指出,单在“苏禄王室"就有约10人自称为“苏禄苏丹"。


《新海峡时报》报导,苏禄苏丹查玛鲁基兰三世並非 苏丹查玛鲁基兰二世的合法继承人,因此不具备能申討主权的苏丹资格。


並非查玛鲁二世后裔

该报引述熟悉基兰家族內情的消息指出,查玛鲁基兰二世在1936年去世,並没直属后裔,当时共有9位符合资格的主要继承人,虽然查玛鲁基兰確为家族成员,但他並非这9名主要继承人的后裔。。

“当查玛鲁基兰二世死后,他並没有直属后裔,而英国北婆罗洲公司当时停止给予苏禄王朝租属地的租金,9名符合资格的继承人联合將案件带上法庭,要求宣判承认他们的权益与继续享有年费。"

“在1939年,北婆罗洲最高法院法官迈加斯基裁决9人有权继续享受年费,此为迈加斯基裁决(Macaskie Judgment)。"


菲10人自称苏禄苏丹

另一方面,根据菲律宾GMA新闻网报导,菲律宾伊斯兰与民主理事会首席召集人 阿米那拉述在受访时透露,估计约有10人自称为“苏禄苏丹",其中4人来自基兰家族,血缘可追溯至第33任苏禄苏丹伊斯迈基兰一世

根据网上资料,最后一位受承认的苏禄苏丹  玛哈古达基兰皇储慕依祖基兰 也声称自己是“苏禄王室"成员,並是基兰家族正统领导。

但《马尼拉时报》专栏作者祖慕尼尔指出,玛哈古达的兄长  福阿基兰才是正统的苏禄苏丹。

“根据长子继承的传统,福阿基兰才是苏丹,因为他才能继承其父伊斯迈基兰一世的王位、称號。"
但相比上述自称为苏禄苏丹者,如今居住在菲律宾达义市查玛鲁基兰三世,是最广为人知的“苏禄苏丹"。

部份族人反对领导

阿米那拉述指出,部份基兰家族族人反对查玛鲁领导该家族,因为查玛鲁並非苏丹直系子嗣,而是伊斯迈基兰一世皇储 拿督蒲佐安 的儿子,但皇储之后已遭褫夺封號,而且就连查玛鲁的兄长 艾斯麦也自称为苏丹。

他表示,如今到底谁才是真正的苏禄苏丹,还得追溯血缘,再看看哪个才是之前苏丹所封的皇储。

另一方面,菲律宾全国穆斯林委员会 属下的 穆斯林文化事务局总监 马斯登 指出,根据王室传承,只有血缘与苏丹最为亲近者才有资格继承王位。

他表示,根据基兰家族族谱,查玛鲁是现存血缘与苏丹最为亲近者,因为他是 第33任苏丹 伊斯迈基兰一世 的侄儿,也是王储的儿子。


学者促王室整合  选唯一受承认苏禄苏丹

菲律宾大学伊斯兰研究院 祖基菲里 指出,苏禄王朝继承人確保统一连贯性,导致出现多名所谓的“苏禄王朝"继承人,使得索取沙巴主权课题更显混乱。

他认为,政府可追溯1939年 迈加斯基裁决 中裁定的9位主要继承人,而其中一名 拿督蒲佐安查玛鲁基兰三世父亲

根据该裁决,查玛鲁三世 为其中一名主要继承人之子,由於所有9名继承人已去世,留下数千名继承人,无论是否为苏丹直系继承人,查玛鲁基兰已被公认为苏禄真正的苏丹。

阿米那拉述强调,与其不断爭辩苏禄苏丹正统性,“苏禄王室"还不如协助政府,正式整合所有自称为“苏丹"者,並从中选出单一受到承认的苏禄苏丹。

“事实上苏禄王室从未会商此事,其实所有王室家族应坐下来商討,作出一个共同的决定。"

http://news.sinchew.com.my/node/281656?tid=1

外长:每年5千3百令吉是割让费

(吉隆坡8日讯)外交部长拿督斯里阿尼法指出,大马政府每年缴付给自称为苏禄苏丹的5300令吉并非是“租金”,反之是割让费。


他说,英国北婆罗公司的艾佛特邓恩与巴罗温奥沃贝克在1898年与当时的苏禄苏丹签署永久割让北婆罗洲,而其继承者则可每年得到5300墨西哥比索。

“这不是租金,而是割让的费用。”

阿尼法周三晚接受第三电视台访问时,解释“苏禄苏丹”自称为“租金”的事宜。

“我们从未承认外界称沙巴不属于大马的言论,这些都是不能讨价还价的。我对于这些人声称,沙巴是他们的土地感到伤心。”

他强调,大马绝对不会对主权与领土妥协,而沙巴是受联合国承认为大马的一部分。

他说,本身与菲律宾外交部长罗萨里奥在猜测“苏禄苏丹”为何选择在两国即将面临全国大选时,声称沙巴属于他们的领土。

http://www.nanyang.com.my/node/516093

外长驳斥“苏禄苏丹”“租金”论 大马年付5300元割让金

(吉隆坡8日讯)外交部长拿督斯里阿尼法指出,大马政府每年缴付给自称为苏禄苏丹的5300令吉并非是“租金”,反之是割让费。


他说,英国北婆罗公司的艾佛特邓恩与巴罗温奥沃贝克在1898年与当时的苏禄苏丹签署永久割让北婆罗洲,而其继承者则可每年得到5300墨西哥比索。

“这不是租金,而是割让的费用。”

阿尼法周三晚接受第三电视台访问时,解释“苏禄苏丹”自称为“租金”的事宜。

维护主权绝不妥协

“我们从未承认外界称沙巴不属于大马的言论,这些都是不能讨价还价的。我对于这些人声称,沙巴是他们的土地感到伤心。”

他强调,大马绝对不会对主权与领土妥协,而沙巴是受联合国承认为大马的一部分。

他说,本身与菲律宾外交部长罗萨里奥在猜测“苏禄苏丹”为何选择在两国即将面临全国大选时,声称沙巴属于他们的领土。
马菲拟策防流血

阿尼法说,他和菲外长德尔罗萨里奥同意继续讨论进一步解决沙巴被入侵事件的方案,避免发生更多的流血事件。

他说,沙巴枪战事件中的入侵者,因为持军火非法进入我国,及与我国武装部队冲突,所以被称为恐怖分子。

“这些入侵者,完全不尊重我国及人权,根本就是恐怖分子所为。”

他说,尽管已经跟菲律宾外交部数次讨论及对话,不过所发生的事是无法宽恕的。

http://www.nanyang.com.my/node/516118?tid=460

2013年3月7日星期四

North Borneo dispute

Wikipedia

The North Borneo dispute refers to the territorial dispute between Malaysia and the Philippines over much of the eastern part of Sabah. Sabah was known as North Borneo prior to the formation of the Malaysian federation. The Philippines, via the heritage of the Sultanate of Sulu, claims Sabah on the basis that the territory was only leased to the British North Borneo Company in 1878 with the Sultanate's sovereignty never being relinquished. Malaysia however, considers this dispute as a "non-issue," as it believes that the 1878 agreement was that of cession, and that it deems that the residents of Sabah had exercised their right to self-determination when they voted to join the Malaysian federation in 1963.[1][2]


1878 Agreement

On 22 January 1878, an agreement was signed between the Sultanate of Sulu and British commercial syndicate (Alfred Dent and Baron von Overback), which stipulated that North Borneo was either ceded or leased (depending on translation used) to the British syndicate in return for payment of 5000 Malayan Dollar per year.[3][4] On 22 April 1903 His Majesty Sultan Jamalul Kiram signed a document known as "Confirmation of cession of certain islands", under what he either "grant and ceded" or "leased" additional islands in the neighbourhood of the mainland of North Borneo from Banggi Island to Sibuku Bay to British North Borneo Company. The sum 5,000 dollars a year payable every year increased to 5,300 dollars a year payable every year.


British version


... hereby grant and cede of our own free and sovereign will to Gustavus Baron de Overbeck of Hong Kong and Alfred Dent Esquire of London...and assigns for ever and in perpetuity all the rights and powers belonging to us over all the territories and lands being tritutary to us on the mainland of the island of Borneo commencing from the Pandassan River

on the north-west coast and extending along the whole east coast as far as the Sibuco River in the south and comprising amongst other the States of Paitan, Sugut, Bangaya, Labuk, Sandakan, Kina Batangan, Mumiang, and all the other territories and states to the southward thereof bordering on Darvel Bay and as far as the Sibuco river with all the islands within three marine leagues of the coast.[5]

Sulu version

...do hereby lease of our own freewill and satisfaction to...all the territories and lands being tributary to [us] together with their heirs, associates, successors and assigns forever and until the end of time, all rights and powers which we possess over all territories and lads tributary to us on the mainland of the Island of Borneo, commencing from the Pandassan River on the west coast to Maludu Bay, and extending along the whole east coast as far as Sibuco River on the south,..., and all the other territories and states to the southward thereof bordering on Darvel Bay and as far as the Sibuco River, ..., [9 nautical miles] of the coast."[6]   The key word in both the agreements was "padjak", which has been translated by American, Dutch and Spanish linguists to mean "lease" or "arrendamiento". The British nevertheless takes the word "padjak" to mean "grant and cede".[5] It can be argued however, that "padjak" means "mortgage" or "pawn" or even "wholesale", as per the contemporary meaning of "padjak" in Sulu.[7][8]

Every year, the Malaysian Embassy in the Philippines issues a check in the amount of 5,300 ringgit (US$1710 or about 77,000 Philippine pesos) to the legal counsel of the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu. Malaysia considers the amount an annual “cession” payment for the disputed state, while the sultan’s descendants consider it “rent.”[9][10]

Madrid Protocol

The Sulu Sultanate later came under the control of Spain in Manila. In 1885, Great Britain, Germany and Spain signed the Madrid Protocol to cement Spanish influence over the islands of the Philippines. In the same agreement, Spain relinquished all claim to North Borneo which had belong to the Sultanate in the past.[11]


The Spanish Government renounces, as far as regards the British Government, all claims of sovereignty over the territories of the continent of Borneo, which belong, or which have belonged in the past to the Sultan of Sulu (Jolo), and which comprise the neighbouring islands of Balambangan, Banguey, and Malawali, as well as all those comprised within a zone of three maritime leagues from the coast, and which form part of the territories administered by the Company styled the “British North Borneo Company.”

—Article III, Madrid Protocol of 1885

Philippine Claim

In 1906 and in 1920, the United States formally reminded Great Britain that North Borneo did not belong to the Crown and was still part of the Sultanate of Sulu. However, the British did turn Sabah into a Crown Colony.[12]


The Philippine Constitution of 1935 states that the national territory of the Philippines included, among other things, "all other areas which belong to the Philippines on the basis of historical rights or legal claims". Malaysia was federated in 16 September 1963. Even before Sabah was incorporated into Malaysia, the Philippines sent delegations to London reminding the British Crown that Sabah belonged to the Philippines.[13]

The Sultanate of Sulu was granted the north-eastern part of the territory as a prize for helping the Sultan of Brunei against his enemies and from then on that part of Borneo was recognized as part of the Sultan of Sulu's sovereignty. The 1878 lease was continued until the independence and formation of the Malaysian federation in 1963 together with Singapore, Sarawak and the states of Malaya. As of 2004, the Malaysian Embassy to the Philippines had been paying cession/rental money amounting to US$1,500 per year (about 6,300 Malaysian ringgits) to the heirs of the Sultanate of Sulu.[14] This is an act of British government before the federation and continued to the today's government of Malaysia.[15]

Less than a decade later, the Sultanate of Sulu came under the control of Spain and was forced to sign a document giving all of the Sultan's properties in Palawan and Sulu — excluding Northern Borneo — to Spain. In 1885, Spain relinquished all of its claim to Borneo to the British in the Madrid Protocol of 1885.[11]

In spite of that, in 1906 and 1920 the United States formally reminded[citation needed] Great Britain that Sabah did not belong to them and was still part of the Sultanate of Sulu on the premise that Spain never acquired sovereignty over North Borneo [see Madrid Protocol] to transfer all its claims of sovereignty over North Borneo to Great Britain on the Madrid Protocol of 1885. This is so because the Sultan of Sulu did not include his territory and dominion in North Borneo in signing the treaty of 1878 recognizing the Spanish sovereignty over “Jolo and its dependencies”.[citation needed] North Borneo was never considered a dependency of Jolo. However, the British Government ignored the reminder and still annexed the territory of North Borneo as a Crown Colony on July 10, 1946.

On 12 September 1962, during President Diosdado Macapagal's administration (the father of the former Philippine president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo), the territory of North Borneo, and the full sovereignty, title and dominion over the territory were ceded by the then reigning Sultan of Sulu, HM Sultan Muhammad Esmail E. Kiram I, to the Republic of the Philippines.[16] The cession effectively gave the Philippine government the full authority to pursue their claim in international courts. The Philippines broke diplomatic relations with Malaysia after the federation had included Sabah in 1963 but probably resumed it unofficially through the Manila Accord. It was revealed in 1968 that President Ferdinand Marcos was training a team of saboteurs on Corregidor known as Operation Merdeka for infiltration into Sabah but Ninoy Aquino (a filibuster in the senate) exposed the Operation Merdeka in an event known as Jabidah massacre. Marcos later decided to drop the claim.[17]

Diplomatic ties were resumed in 1989 because succeeding Philippine administrations have placed the claim in the back burner in the interest of pursuing cordial economic and security relations with Kuala Lumpur.[18]

Republic Act 5446, which took effect on 18 September 1968, regards Sabah as a territory "over which the Republic of the Philippines has acquired dominion and sovereignty."[19] On 16 July 2011, the Supreme Court ruled that the Philippine claim over Sabah is retained and may be pursued in the future.[20]

To date, Malaysia continues to consistently reject Philippine calls to resolve the matter of Sabah's jurisdiction to the International Court of Justice.[21] Sabah sees the claim made by the Philippines' Moro leader Nur Misuari to take Sabah to International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a non-issue and thus dismissed the claim.[22]

Formation of Malaysia

In the years immediately before the formation of Malaysia, two commissions of enquiry visited North Borneo (along with neighbouring Sarawak) in order to establish the state of public opinion there regarding merger with Malaya (and Singapore). The commission was mandated at addressing self-determination of the people of Sabah, i.e., the right of the people of Sabah to freely determine their own political status and freely pursue their own economic, social and cultural development. The first commission, usually known as the Cobbold Commission was established by the Malayan and British governments and was headed by Lord Cobbold, along with two representatives of Malaya and Britain (but not either of the territories under investigation). The Commission found that 'About one third of the population of each territory [i.e. of North Borneo and of Sarawak] strongly favours early realisation of Malaysia without too much concern over terms and conditions. Another third, many of them favourable to the Malaysia project, ask, with varying degrees of emphasis, for conditions and safeguards... The remaining third is divided between those who insist upon independence before Malaysia is considered and those who would strongly prefer to see British rule continue for some years to come'.[23]


Indonesia and the Philippines rejected the findings of the Cobbold. In 1963, a tripartite meeting was held in Manila between Indonesian president Soekarno, Philippines president Diosdado Macapagal and Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. The meeting agreed to petition the UN to send another commission of enquiry and the Philippines and Indonesia agreed to drop their objection to the formation of Malaysia if the new commission found popular opinion in the territories in favour. The UN Mission to Borneo was thus established, comprising members of the UN Secretariat from Argentina, Brazil, Ceylon, Czechoslovakia, Ghana, Pakistan, Japan and Jordan. The Mission's report, authored by UN Secretary-General U Thant found ‘a sizeable majority of the people' in favour of joining Malaysia. Although Indonesia and the Philippines subsequently rejected the report's findings – and Indonesia continued its semi-military policy of konfrontasi towards Malaysia – the report in effect sealed the creation of Malaysia.


Further claim

In 1939, a civil suit was filed by propriety claimants (Dayang Dayang Hadji Piandao and eight other heirs) of the "cession money" payable to the heir of Sultan of Sulu, following the death of Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram II in June 1936, childless. Chief Justice C. F. C. Macaskie of the High Court of North Borneo made a ruling on the shares entitled by each claimants.[24]


This ruling has often been quoted by proponents of Sulu Sultanate claim as proof of North Borneo's acknowledgement of Sulu Sultan's ownership of the said territory, although the ruling was made just to determine who are entitled to the "cession money", amounting to 5,300 Malaysian ringgit per year.

Developments

As reported by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the independence of North Borneo was brought about as the result of the expressed wish of the majority of the people of the territory in a 1963 election.[25] This is further reinforced by the International Court of Justice view that,


“ ...historic title, no matter how persuasively claimed on the basis of old legal instruments and exercises of authority, cannot - except in the most extraordinary circumstances - prevail in law over the rights of non-self-governing people to claim independence and establish their sovereignty through the exercise of bona fide self-determination.[25] ”

Sabah's position within Malaysia was reinforced by the ruling made by the International Court of Justice for Pulau Sipadan and Pulau Ligitan to remain under the jurisdiction and sovereignty of Malaysia rather than Indonesia. The Philippines had an application to intervene in the case of Sipadan Island and Ligitan Island, but was rejected by ICJ.[26] On basis of Malaysia effectivités on Sipadan Island and Ligitan Island, the judges concluded the sovereignty of both islands are under Malaysia. Also, from the case, it is allegedly that the sovereignty of both islands were passed down from the Sultan of Sulu to Spain, the United States, Great Britain on behalf of the State of North Borneo, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and finally to Malaysia. Even though this is not the reason that the islands fall into sovereignty of Malaysia because neither the parties having found to have treaty based title to Sipadan Island and Ligitan Island.[27]

Sabah's Chief Minister Musa Aman sees the claim made by the Philippines' Moro leader Nur Misuari to take Sabah to International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a non-issue and thus dismissed the claim.[22]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_Borneo_dispute

9“苏禄苏丹”颁大马人“拿督”

到底有多少个苏禄苏丹?

(八打灵再也5日讯)曾担任“苏禄苏丹”罗迪诺顾问的巫青团执委洛曼阿当说,据了解,过去共有9名自称是苏禄苏丹者颁发“拿督”勋衔给大马人,预料受封者人数众多。


他不懂共有多少人获得这项“勋衔”,但据悉,9名自称苏禄苏丹者过去在我国册封许多“拿督”。

洛曼向《南洋商报》表示,他在2005年受委为罗迪诺顾问,后者是真正的苏禄苏丹。
“但是,我在2006年已辞去顾问职,不清楚罗迪诺共册封了多少人。”

他强调本身于2005年服务的苏丹罗迪诺,是50年代苏禄苏丹祖拉斯比的儿子。

我国不承认苏禄苏丹授予的册封。

雪兰莪苏丹沙拉夫丁殿下也曾发表声明,指棉兰佬岛和苏禄的封赐,不获菲律宾、印尼及大马政府承认,惟过去仍有不少“苏禄及北婆罗洲苏丹勋衔册封仪式”在我国举行。

2010年3月,一名自称是苏禄及北婆罗洲苏丹执行秘书及掌玺大臣的拿督斯里布特拉依迪,代表苏丹在租来的会议室主持册封仪式,册封3名“有功人士”

太平局绅及苏禄苏丹皇室最高荣誉勋衔。他指出,该苏丹在2009年就册封了上百人。

http://www.nanyang.com/node/515362?tid=460

2013年3月5日星期二

“此苏丹非彼苏丹"‧杰菲里承认晤“苏禄苏丹"

到底谁是真正的苏禄苏丹?慕朱莱丹基兰、查玛鲁基兰、啊克占。

(沙巴‧亚庇3日讯)沙巴立新党主席拿督杰菲里吉丁岸坦承,他曾在去年年中与“苏禄苏丹"慕朱莱丹基兰在亚庇会面,但强调此“苏禄苏丹"非彼“苏禄苏丹",与最近闯入拿篤的“苏禄王朝皇家军队"所效忠的苏丹查马鲁基兰毫无关係。

他昨日发表文告,针对早前有报导指他与“苏禄苏丹"会面一事回应说,慕朱莱丹基兰当时与他会面,主要是邀请他出席稍后在菲律宾南部举行的“苏丹加冕典礼"。
“既然他们要与我见面,我也接受,並进行友好会谈……但我最终未能出席该项仪式。"

至於菲律宾媒体引述“情报人员"消息,指有马来西亚反对党阵营的领袖在该批“苏禄军"武装分子入侵拿篤前,曾与苏禄苏丹会面一事,杰菲里表示,他不清楚其他反对党阵营领袖是否真有与苏禄苏丹会面。

不过,他指出,据他所知,慕朱莱丹基兰並不认同“苏禄军"菲律宾武装分子入侵拿篤的行动。

http://news.sinchew.com.my/node/280673

“限蔡添强7天內道歉"‧东姑安南:否则法律追究

阴谋论 (2) 蔡添强提出的阴谋论

(雪兰莪‧八打灵再也4日讯)巫统主席拿督斯里纳吉指示总秘书东姑安南,针对公正党副主席蔡添强指“苏禄军"入侵事件为巫统阴谋一事採取法律行动。

东姑安南发表文告说,蔡添强在公正党网页上发表“苏禄军入侵拿篤事件是巫统阴谋,旨在混淆视线及阻嚇人民",是恶意詆毁巫统诚信及形象的行为。

“蔡的文章包括指责巫统策划苏禄军事件,计划以此事件贏得人民在来届大选的信心,更指巫统的一切行为可疑。"“这是恶意的指控,我们將以法律追究,於本月4日起,给予蔡添强7天的时间针对他的言论,向巫统道歉。"

促撤回言论道歉

东姑安南指示蔡添强停止一切针对巫统的誹谤性言论,无条件根据巫统的要求,作出书面道歉並撤回之前的言论。

“他也必须准备一份书面承诺,担保不再发表誹谤性或相关言论。"他指巫统关注这起誹谤事件,蔡添强也必须赔偿巫统在这起事件中所面对的財务及名誉损失。

“若蔡添强在上述指定时间內没有作出回应,巫统將认定他没有悔过之意並有意继续散播誹谤言论,因此,巫统將会入稟法庭阻止蔡继续针对此事发言或作出评论。"


安华不否认曾与苏禄军会面

阴谋论 (1) 国阵说此事件是安华搞出来的
(檳城‧北海3日讯)国会反对党领袖拿督斯里安华並不否认曾与苏禄军会面,並反问:“即使我与他们见面了,又有甚么问题?”

安华是週六(2日)晚上,出席在峇东埔国会选区的诗不朗再也举行的政治讲座会时,一再强调,基於人民及国家的安全,我国政府绝对不可以妥协,並促请我国政府,在苏禄军入侵我国事件上,迟迟不愿表態及採取行动驱赶入侵者作出解释。

要诉TV3前锋报誹谤另一方面,安华重申已经指示律师,针对第三电视及《马来西亚前锋报》在日前报导中,试图將他及苏禄军扯上关係,正式起诉他们诽谤。

苏禄苏丹促美介入领土风波

(吉隆坡3日讯)苏禄苏丹贾马鲁基兰三世拟寻求美国介入,并引援上个世纪与美国签署的合约来索回沙巴祖土。

苏丹的发言人阿伯拉罕伊基拉尼说,上个世纪菲律宾仍是美国管辖,当时美国与苏禄王朝在1915年3月22日签署了《基兰‧卡彭特协议》(Kiram-Carpenter Agreement)。

根据协议,由美国任命的棉兰佬岛及苏禄总督法兰克卡彭特,与当时苏禄苏丹协议,即苏丹及其继承人放弃其统治权、税收权及仲裁权作为交换条件,苏丹可获津贴、一块土地及宗教领袖的头衔。

美国应助寻解决方案

不过,协议没有涵盖北婆罗的领土,因为苏丹已把该土地租给了英国北婆罗州公司。

阿伯拉罕伊基拉尼说,在该协议下,美国也同意给予苏禄苏丹,未来跟任何外国组织所引起问题时全力保护。

“我们要提醒他们,这是他们的道德责任。这个责任不是使用暴力,而是要协助寻找解决方案。”

他也指责马来西亚要掩盖这事实。针对此事,在马尼拉的美国大使馆没有回应。

http://www.nanyang.com/node/514898?tid=460

菲总统:严惩苏禄苏丹共谋者

(马尼拉4日讯)菲律宾总统阿奎诺发出警告,所有与自称是苏禄王室苏丹的贾马鲁基兰三世共谋要“重夺”沙巴者,将受到严惩。

《新华社》引述阿奎诺的言论说,自称是苏禄王室苏丹的贾马鲁基兰三世在推动“重夺”沙巴时,绝不可能单独行动。

他说:“我发现,一些特定人士的共谋导致我们陷入无法立即解决的状况,这些人当中有者的身份尚未获得确认,但我保证,这些人将不会成功,他们将受到法律制裁。”

促请追随者投降

他表示,菲律宾政府已展开调查,以揭发指使基兰三世追随者入侵沙巴的人物;同时也促请基兰三世及其追随者投降,以避免发生更多的流血事件。

他指出,自己于周末与我国首相拿督斯里纳吉通过电话,纳吉告知,随著有大马人在流血事件中丧命,菲国与基兰三世的追随者已不可能再谈判。他说,已向大马政府提出要求,保障80万名在大马工作菲律宾人的安全。

菲律宾外交部长罗萨里奥也于周一下午飞往吉隆坡,与我国外交部长拿督斯里阿尼法继续讨论如何避免更多死伤,并希望我国能对拿笃的苏陆军保持最大限度的容忍。

另一方面,阿奎诺有信心,菲律宾政府与摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线(MILF)之间的和平谈判将不会因为这次事件而生变。

他说,有关和平谈判是由大马政府所促成,因此这涉及大马的利益,以确保棉兰老岛的和平及稳定。

http://www.seehua.com/node/68881